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A
Review by Matt Delmont
In the traditional view of the
post-WWII
United States, rock ‘n’ roll, television, and an expanding consumer
culture reshaped American society with “teenagers” as the
demographic and metaphoric focal point. As Kelly Schrum’s Some
Wore Bobby Sox: The Emergence of Teenage Girls’ Culture, 1920-1945
makes clear however, this neat historical narrative overemphasizes
teenage boys and the discourse on juvenile delinquency, while
obscuring teenage girls’ culture in the decades before 1945.
Navigating the complicated circuit of production and consumption,
Schrum examines how market formation and peer group identity
formation occurred simultaneously. These developments were not
linear though, and Schrum traces the growth of girls’ interest in
fashion, beauty products, music, and movies, against the uneven (and
often slow) response of manufacturers and marketers to these
consumers. In addition to disrupting the traditional view of a
postwar “birth” of teenage culture, Schrum also makes interesting
use of a range of sources, including: photographs and ads from high
school yearbooks; longitudinal surveys; women’s magazines and advice
literature; as well as the “voices” of teenage girls found in
diaries, letters, poems, and short stories published in
Scholastic magazine. With this diverse base of evidence, Schrum
recognizes teenage girls as active participants in prewar consumer
culture, while also noting how marketers manipulated and limited
these consumption choices.
Similar to Paula Fass’ The Damned
and the Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s, which examines
the peer culture that developed on college campuses, Schrum’s
periodization is based on the increase in U.S. high school
enrollment which “grew from 10.6 percent in 1900 to 51.1 percent in
1930 and to 71.3 percent in 1940” (12). Reading national magazines
and catalogues against the fashions depicted and discussed in high
school yearbooks, Schrum details how teenage girls sought
appropriate styles for school, casual wear, and dates, well before
national marketers took notice. Schrum suggests that teenage
fashion fads, while fostering anxieties about beauty and popularity,
also marked separation from adults, and “bound teenage girls
together, visually marking their participating in and loyalty to
various peer groups” (45). For example, Schrum finds confirmation
of this fashion-based peer identification in the mid-1930s
popularity of saddle shoes and ankle socks (dubbed “bobby sox” by
magazines), which girls wore “in bold or muted colors; folded,
pulled up, or pushed down; decorated with gadgets and charms; over
stockings; or held up with boys’ garters” (62). Throughout this
analysis, Schrum takes these styles seriously as evidence of teenage
girls’ efforts to distinguish themselves from children and adults,
without obscuring the fact that marketers noticed these trends and
profited from the agency of these teens. Moreover, Schrum use of
these local sources compliments Roland Marchand’s thorough analysis
of national magazine advertising in this same period in
Advertising the American Dream:
Making Way for Modernity, 1920-1940.
If teenage girls’ use of fashion
marked their separation from adults, their participation in
commercial beauty culture expressed a desire for sophistication
through the use of adult products. Yet like fashion, teenage girls
used beauty products before advertisers identified them as a market
demographic. As Schrum notes, “[n]ot until the 1940s and 1950s did
companies begin to manufacture and market products for
teenage girls on a large scale, with special colors, prices, and
slogans” (69). Rather than viewing cosmetics as superfluous
products or tools of women’s oppression, Schrum builds on Kathy
Peiss’ Hope in a Jar: The Making of America’s Beauty Culture,
by emphasizing beauty culture as a web of rituals and
relationships,. However, through her analysis of diaries, stories,
and letters, Schrum is also careful to consider how teenage girls
incorporated beauty ideals from women’s magazines into their
everyday discussions of beauty, clothing, and shopping. Schrum
argues that while teenage girls “were conscious of the commercial
and constructed nature of the beauty culture in which they
participated, […] they reflected the anxiety and insecurity promoted
through advice literature and cosmetics advertising, judging
themselves and each other with a critical eye” (88). As with
fashion, the peer ties built in this beauty culture fostered
anxieties about appearance and eventually garnered significant
industry interest.
While fashion and cosmetics were mass
produced items that teenage girls modified in different ways,
Schrum’s case studies of music and movies consider how girls
incorporated these “fixed entities” into teenage culture. In the
case of music, Schrum focuses on “debates over favorite singers,
bands, or songs” that played an important role in the everyday
culture of girls, and dances that allowed “teenagers to express joy,
frustration, or desire, to enjoy songs actively as well as explore
romance and sexuality” (98, 116). Although the importance of dance
as an expressive activity may be an obvious point, in examining how
teenage girls engaged with jazz and swing, Schrum usefully provides
insight into teen music culture before rock ‘n’ roll.
As with music, Schrum notes that
before
Hollywood
studios produced “teenpics” in the 1950s, teenage girls used movies
intended for multigenerational audiences to form a shared fan
culture. In contrast to the social scientists, educators,
politicians, and parents who expressed concern about the impact of
“adult” themes on teen audiences, Schrum moves beyond the emphasis
on content to consider how movies fit into the culture of teenage
girls. Defining the “movie experience” broadly—reading movie
reviews, getting to the theater, sitting with friends in the
theater, and sharing recommendations and post-movie analysis—Schrum
argues that teenage girls “started with the building blocks of movie
fan culture, often provided by studios and magazines, and
transformed them into personalized memories through scrapbooks,
diaries, and fan letters” (160). Here again, while studios paid
little attention to teenagers as a distinct audience, teenage girls
attended movies with their peers and created a “teen-centered movie
experience within a shared theater” (148).
Given the important role high schools
play as a setting for this book, Schrum could do more to examine the
different experiences of teenage girls as students as well as
consumers. For example, in discussing a 1945 documentary that
proclaimed “that the high school girl had emerged ‘as an American
institution,’” Schrum argues that, “[t]he film unequivocally equated
‘teenager,’ in the context of social gatherings and consumer
behavior, with female—teenagers lingered between childhood and
‘womanhood,’ not childhood and adulthood” (19). In order to
explicate the significance of this womanhood/adulthood (or
consumer/citizen) distinction, Schrum might go into more detail
regarding the educational and social opportunities available and
encourage for teenage girls in this era. Useful companion texts in
this regard are John Rury’s Education and Women's Work: Female
Schooling and the Division of Labor in Urban
America, 1870-1930,
and Karen Graves’ Girls' Schooling During the Progressive Era:
From Female Scholar to Domesticated Citizen. This suggestion
aside, throughout this interesting study Schrum makes use of a
diverse array of sources to balance the emergence of teenage girl
culture with the formation of “teenagers” as a marketing category.
References
Fass, Paula. The Damned and the
Beautiful: American Youth in the 1920s.
New York:
Oxford University Press, 1977.
Graves, Karen. Girls' Schooling During the Progressive Era : From
Female Scholar to Domesticated Citizen.
New York:
Garland Publishing, 1998.
Marchand, Roland. Advertising the
American Dream:
Making Way for Modernity, 1920-1940.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.
Peiss, Kathy. Hope in a Jar: The
Making of
America's Beauty Culture.
New York: Metropolitan Books, 1998.
Rury, John L. Education and Women's Work : Female Schooling and the
Division of Labor in Urban
America, 1870-1930.
Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991.
Contact (by e-mail):
Matt Delmont
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