The Third Survey and its
Typological Implications: Television News, The Saint and
Three objectives shaped the design of
the investigators’ third main excursion into the field. First, they
aimed to extend the range of broadcast programmes concerning which
they would have collected and interpreted gratification data. Having
perfected an empirical procedure for eliciting the structures of
audience gratifications relating to particular programmes, it
remained to apply this to two or three still unexplored areas of
television content. It was hoped that such an extension would help
to build up a typology of the gratifications associated with
television viewing – a task which had always been envisaged as a
vital element in the project’s preparations for undertaking an
eventual nationwide survey of viewers. (The main body of this
chapter deals with this part of the outcome of the third exploratory
Second, the investigators used the third
survey as an occasion for trying out a version of a ‘general’
gratification instrument on a fairly large number of
respondents. They had been working for some months on various
methods of tapping the audience satisfactions that stem from
television viewing in general (as distinct from those which derive
from a single programme), and the time was now ripe to conduct a
field trial of a seemingly promising technique. (This aspect of the
work in discussed in Chapter 5 of this report.)
Third, the investigators aimed to
collect material that would help them to assess and refine the
project’s stock of social indicator variables. Consequently, the
questionnaires for the third survey included many items about the
social position of respondents – some of which had been incorporated
into previous surveys,
while others were being administered for the first time.
It was intended in the autumn of 1970 to carry out AID analyses of
the social determinants of the cluster scores generated by two of
the new programme studies, after which the project’s social
indicator needs would be critically reviewed.
1. Choice of further programmes for
investigating. It was initially decided that the third survey
should focus on the regular viewers of three quite different types
of programmes: one in the news and current affairs field; an
adventure series; and one which could be supposed to establish
‘para-social’ relationships between performers and audience members. Television
news itself offered the most familiar available focus for the first
of these investigations; as a long-running and highly popular
series, The Saint was adopted as the basis for the second
study; and as a talk programme featuring interaction between a
personable compere and outstanding personalities from the
entertainment world and other fields of public activity, The Dee
Show seemed a suitable choice for the third
enquiry. Consequently, a series of tape-recorded group discussions
with male and female viewers of each of these programmes was held in
April and May, 1970, and the material thus obtained was analysed by
the research team before formulating items for inclusion in
inventories. In the middle of these preparations, however, a
dispute between Simon Dee himself and London Weekend was widely
publicised, after which the latter announced that the programme
would shortly be terminated. Fearing that this incident might
distort viewers’ responses to questions about the programme, the Dee
study was abandoned. Meanwhile, it had been noticed that many fans
of The Saint had in group discussions spontaneously compared
and contrasted its tone and approach with that of Callan, a
then popular adventure series, featuring less glamorous settings and
a reluctant member of the British secret service as an ‘anti-hero’.
It was decided, therefore, to substitute Callan for The
Dee Show as the third programme focus. Since shortage of time
precluded the holding of group discussions about Callan, it
was also decided to use the same scales that had been generated for
investigation of The Saint, in the hope that two programmes
which differed in style while belong to the same broad content
category could be fruitfully compared.
2. Gratification inventories.
The format of the gratification inventories combined modified
versions of those that had previously been used in the quiz and
Coronation Street studies. The news inventory consisted of a
list of 25 gratification statements, which were followed by
five-point agreement/disagreement scales. Sensitisation to the
perils of response set resulted, however, in the preparation of a
more spacious and clearly differentiated format, which seemed likely
to avoid this type of bias. A specimen of the first two scales of
the revised inventory illustrates this approach:
The news is sometimes very
Strongly agree Agree Undecided
Disagree Strongly disagree
( ) (
) ( ) ( ) ( )
Watching the news keeps me
in touch with the world:
Strongly agree Agree Undecided
Disagree Strongly disagree
( ) (
) ( ) ( ) ( )
The same format was used for 24-item and
25-item inventories of gratification statements about The Saint
and Callan. But in addition, respondents’ images of these
programmes were elicited by administering 16 five-point semantic
3. Sample size and composition.
Interviews were held in the week of July 12th, 1970, with
the members of a quota sample (controlling for age, sex and social
grade) of viewers who claimed to have watched The Saint or
Callan regularly in recent months. The investigators’ target of
200 respondents was greater than in previous surveys in order a) the
give the AID analysis larger sub-groups to work with and b) to give
the recently developed ‘general instrument’ a broadly based trial.
But since fieldwork supervision necessitated the rejection of the
work of one of the nine interviewers as unreliable, the achieved
sample actually comprised 177 respondents. All but three of these
individuals filled in news viewing inventories, and either or both
the adventure programme inventories were completed by the following
numbers of respondents:
Viewers of both series
Viewers of one series only
Results: A Cluster Analysis of News Viewing Gratifications
More has probably been written about the
functions of news consumption to the individual citizen than about
the gratifications sought from almost any other body of media fare.
However, much of this literature has focused on newspaper reading
(broadcast news satisfactions have been relatively neglected), and
its outstanding themes serve to illustrate some of the confusions
that can arise when research effort lacks a firm empirical
Three principal approaches have
dominated contributions to this field. First, there is a tradition
of qualitative endeavour which stems from Berelson’s classic study
of what people missed when deprived of their newspapers by a
strike. The chief outcome of intensive examination of open-ended
material obtained from 60 respondents was the following list of five
supposed news reading functions:
about and interpretation of public affairs.
As a tool for
For social contact.
It is true that Berelson acknowledged
that ‘“qualitative” interviews only suggest the proper questions
which can then be asked in lesser detail for “quantitative”
verification’; nevertheless, he did not personally venture onto the
Shortly afterwards Wilbur Schramm
initiated a second influential approach – one that stemmed
essentially from a conceptual analysis. Drawing on Freud’s
distinction between the pleasure and reality principles, he
postulated two opposed motivational orientations towards newspapers
– which he termed immediate reward- and delayed reward-seeking,
respectively. The former was defined in terms of ‘either a
reduction of tension or discomfort (e.g. curiosity, worry) or an
increase of satisfaction (e.g. from a vicarious enjoyment of the
achievements of a winning team).’ The latter was said to be sought
‘not because it is pleasant, but because it is realistic. It is not
pleasant to be afraid or to anticipate danger; but it is necessary
if one is to avert harm and avoid danger’. Thus, delayed reward news
reading reflected a concern to acquire information that might help
to orient future thought or action in responding to the problems of
the real world. Immediate reward news reading, on the other hand,
was virtually inspired by ‘escapist’ motives, as Schramm’s own
When a reader selected delayed reward
news, he jerks himself into the world of surrounding reality to
which he can adapt himself only by hard work. When he selects news
of other kinds, he retreats usually from the world of threatening
reality toward the dream world.
Schramm’s theory certainly did not fail
to attract criticism. For example, William Stephenson drew
attention to its tendency to confuse a distinction of type of
reward (the pleasures of fantasy indulgence vs. those of reality
manipulation) with one of time span (immediate vs. delayed
But a more fundamental objection would have criticised the lack of a
concerted effort to find out whether readers themselves were attuned
to receive news materials on these two different
wavelengths. Indeed, one contributor to this area of audience
research has recently recognised that, ‘There is very little direct
empirical evidence supporting Schramm’s theory because of the
scarcity of motivational… studies in the field of mass
Nevertheless, this shortcoming did not
deter that investigator from adopting a third much-followed approach
– that of administering to respondents a check-list of items
purporting to reflect Schramm’s conceptual distinction (in his case
in order to test a hypothesis about the content preferences that may
accompany immediate and delayed reward newsreading dispositions).
Perhaps the most glaring example of a pitfall to which this approach
is prone can be found in the work of McLeod, Ward and Tancill on the
influence of alienation on readers’ habits of newspaper use. These
investigators formulated the following three-item scales to
represent what they called informational (delayed) and vicarious
(immediate) reasons for reading newspapers:
For interpretation of important events
To help me keep up with things
To help me get away from daily worries
To bring some excitement into my life
To feel as though I am taking part in others’
lives without actually being there
But although McLeod et al based their
findings of their study on the assumption that these groupings stood
for coherent tendencies, they had to admit in the end that:
Within the vicarious reasons, an
assessment of the dimensionality of the various reasons should be
made. In our present data, the correlation of ‘escape’ and ‘contact
with other people’ was only +.097, perhaps indicating the presence
of two or more vicarious sub-dimensions.
All this illustrates the need for
evidence which would disclose how citizens themselves structure the
satisfactions they derive from following the news. The material
presented below originates in the responses of 174 viewers to a
25-item inventory of ‘things that people have said about television
news’, the component statements of which were drawn from analysis of
group discussion material. Each item was followed by a five-point
scale, ranging from ‘Strongly agree’ through ‘Undecided’ to
‘Strongly disagree’. The endorsements of sample members were punched
onto paper tape and programmed to produce a 25 x 25 product moment
correlation matrix. Application of McQuitty’s technique of
elementary linkage analysis initially yielded a set of four
clusters. Before accepting this outcome as final, however, it was
decided to see whether the disclosed structure could be refined by
applying statistical criteria. Using a coefficient of homogeneity
(the mean of all intercorrelations of items in a cluster) and alpha,
a coefficient of reliability recommended for use in cluster
analysis, several items were shifted from one cluster to another,
four items were eliminated from the analysis altogether, and one
large cluster was split into two smaller ones. These procedures
eventually produced five clusters, the individual items and
homogeneity and reliability coefficients of which are set out in
TABLE IV.1: Cluster Analysis,
Gratifications from TV News Viewing
Cluster 1 – Escape
like having a good gossip.
the sound of voices in my house.
me to get away from my problems.
shouldn’t show really unpleasant things on the news because there is
nothing can we do about them.
Cluster 2 – Coin of Exchange
I feel more secure when I know what going on.
I like to
be first with the news so that I can pass it
on to other people.
It satisfies my sense of
Keeping up with the news
gives you plenty to talk about.
Cluster 3 – Surveillance .25
11. Television provides some food for
7. I like to see how big issues are
finally sorted out.
It tells me about the main
events of the day.
20. I follow the news so that I
won’t be caught unawares
by price increases and that sort of
the news helps me to keep an eye on the
mistakes people in authority make.
newsreader is almost like a friend you see every day.
8. Television news helps me to make my
mind up about things.
2. Watching the news keeps me in touch
with the world.
Cluster 4 – The
Reality-Piercing Appeal of TV
you what people in the news are really like.
18. The camera doesn’t lie, you can see
exactly what is happening.
Cluster 5 – Empathy
helps me to understand some of the problems other people have.
13. It makes me realise that my life
is not so bad after all.
12. It sometimes makes me feel sad.
The outcome of this analysis is
exceptionally clear. All the assigned items have found homes in
clusters, the meanings of which are not difficult to interpret. If
the two-item Cluster 4 (which seems mainly to pick out a judgement
of what TV is good at rather than a gratification sought from
following the news on the medium) is ignored, then four main
functions of news reading emerge from the results. Moreover, the
cluster pattern seems broadly to confirm the validity of Schramm’s
original distinction. At least what he would regard as a delayed
reward has been differentiated in the findings from certain other
item groupings that are more suggestive of immediate reward-seeking.
Nevertheless, it also seems necessary to sub-divide the latter
category into two main types of gratifications. And in addition to
the orientations that Schramm has in mind, the cluster analysis
locates yet another type of satisfaction that following the news can
Cluster 3, which apparently represents a
surveillance motive for news-viewing, is closest to Schramm’s notion
of delayed reward-seeking. This has combined statements which refer
to: following what is going on in the world generally (items 2, 7
and 10); the relationship between such events and the viewer’s own
personal statements (20); the relationship between such events and
the forming of judgements about the performance of power-holders in
society (6); and the process whereby news materials can help viewers
to make up their minds on current issues (8 and 11).
Cluster 3 may also be cited as an
example of how the calculation of coefficients of homogeneity and
reliability helped to strengthen the bonds between items in a group
both statistically and substantively. Compared with its revised
composition as shown in the table, the new Cluster 3 had included
items 12 (‘It sometimes makes me feel sad’) and 22 (‘There is always
something different on the news’) and excluded item 2 (‘Watching the
news keeps me in touch with the world’). But after item 12 was
reallocated to Cluster 5, item 22 was eliminated altogether, and
item 2 brought into the surveillance group, Cluster 3’s coefficient
of homogeneity had increased from .21 to .25 and alpha coefficient
of reliability from .70 to .73.
Cluster 1 is one of the groups that is
reminiscent of Schramm’s notion of immediate reward-seeking, for it
combines four items that are all removed from the instrumental
spirit of comprehending the world of reality cognitively. In this
cluster the news is treated partly as a source of companionship (as
any other type of broadcast fare can be) and partly as an equivalent
to gossip. But the cluster is dominated by an ‘escapist’ meaning
which is conveyed through both item 5, with its seemingly
incongruous suggestion that following the news can help one to get
away from one’s problems, and item 25, with its assertion of a
definite desire to avoid the presentation of unpleasant incidents on
The three items of the empathic Cluster
5 express yet another facet of what Schramm had in mind by immediate
reward-seeking. In this case news viewing is said at one and the
same time to promote an understanding of the problems that other
people have to face (item 15), fresh insights into the nature of
one’s own situation (13) and a feeling of sympathetic sadness (12).
It is interesting to find in the distinction between this group and
Cluster 1 a confirmation of McLeod’s suspicion that reasons for news
reading worded, ‘To help me get away from my daily worries’ and ‘To
feel as though I am taking part in others’ lives without actually
being there’, had represented quite different motivational
dimensions. It is also noteworthy that the various items of this
empathic cluster seem to straddle the so-called clusters of reality
exploration and personal reference that had emerged from the
Dales study. Nevertheless, the separate existence of Clusters 5
and 3 in the news analysis suggests that a concern to use broadcast
materials to reflect upon one’s personal identity must be
differentiated from a concern to undertake a surveillance of the
wider world of social and political reality. In fact, this
distinction has been built into the project’s guiding typology of
Finally, Cluster 2 draws attention to an
appeal of news viewing that Schramm’s concepts did not subsume. This
refers to the use that can be made of news materials in social
interaction with other people, either in the more casual spirit of
giving the viewer ‘plenty to talk about’, or in the service of a
more definite news-relaying role, as is suggested by item 4.
The Results: A Cluster Analysis of
the Appeals of The Saint
The outcome of a cluster analysis of
viewers’ endorsements of 40 items about The Saint is
presented in Table IV.3.
It can be seen that a strongly defined pattern has emerged yet again
from the application of this technique of analysis. There are four
groups of items, which appear to locate the most important
satisfactions to be derived from Saint viewing, followed by a
set of three clusters which lack a direct motivational reference and
represent little more than descriptions of certain facets of the
programme. Perhaps the fact that most of the items in Clusters 5-7
were semantic differential scales points to the unsuitability of
that instrument for use in a gratification study. But otherwise,
four main functions of an adventure programme in the mould of The
Saint appear distinctly in the results.
TABLE IV.2: Cluster Analysis of the
Appeals of The Saint
Cluster 1 – Escape
12. It take you out of yourself.
10. It does you good to see somebody
doing things you can’t do yourself.
8. The Saint keeps me in
11. All the family can enjoy the
6. I look forward to watching
20. The programme has some cracking
3. The Saint is good clean
entertainment without too much violence.
21. It helps you to escape from the
boredom of everyday life.
9.The stories often have interesting
24. It is interesting seeing the hero
trying to stick to his principles.
Cluster 2 – Reality Exploration
5. It provides food for thought.
13. It can give you something to
talk about afterwards.
4. It shows that ordinary people
26. S.D: Realistic.
16. Simon Templar is an ideal man.
15. I find him relaxing because he
is so self-assured.
live in his kind of world, but if I did he’s the kind
of person I would want to be like.
Cluster 4 – Personal Reference
17. I fancy myself as a hero.
14. I like to imagine myself
playing one of the leading parts.
18. The characters sometimes have
problems like my own.
23. The characters remind me of
people I know.
39. S.D: Light [heavy].
37. S.D: Happy.
34. Easy to follow.
31. Light [serious].
19. The Saint is the kind
of programme you can watch without
having to think a great
36. S.D: Glamorous.
22. There are some very exciting
women in the programme.
39. S.D: Humorous.
35. S.D: Violent.
26. S.D: Disturbing.
First, the large Cluster 1 suggests that
The Saint has a well-defined escapist appeal. This
interpretation is specifically suggested by the inclusion of items
21 (‘It helps you to escape from the boredom of everyday life’) and
12 (‘It takes you out of yourself’) in the cluster. The other items
are also exceptionally interesting, however, for the glimpses they
provide of the ‘mechanics’ by which an adventure programme can serve
an escape function. The various statements refer, for example, to
the role of excitement (32), suspense (8 and 30), unusual
backgrounds (9), conflict (20), and the larger-than-life
accomplishments of the hero (10).Yet items 3 and 11 (with their
references to the desiderata of family entertainment) also suggest
that full enjoyment of these elements depends, in the case of The
Saint at least, on an observance by the producers of certain
conventions and proprieties.
Perhaps the emergence of Cluster 2 would
be more of a surprise to some casual viewers of The Saint. The
combination of items suggests that a second function which the
programme can serve, for at least some fans (AID analysis would
establish what kinds of people they are), is the provision of a
stimulus to reflect upon real-life situations and problems. It may
be that Cluster 2 derives in part from a tendency (which was
previously encountered among the followers of The Dales and
Coronation Street) for committed fans uncritically to regard
their favourite programmes as ‘realistic’ – and suited, therefore,
to ‘reality exploration’. But it could be that the functional
potential of even a seemingly restricted range of fictional
materials is richer and more diverse (especially when directed at
audience members whose imaginations are free to roam) than the
critic of popular culture is initially disposed to suspect.
According to Cluster 3, a third appeal
of a programme like The Saint is the opportunity it affords
to identify oneself with the qualities of a successful hero, either
directly (as in item 7) or just possibly as a desired companion and
sexual partner (as in item 15). In contrast to the richness of
Cluster 1, the component items of Cluster 3 shed little light on the
mechanics of this process. There is a hint, however, that viewer
identification may be facilitated by the self-confident air of Simon
Templar, which, when coupled with his easy mastery of every
situation, must represent a marked contrast to the more fumbling
approach of many viewers to the resolution of their own everyday
Finally, these elements of
identification seem to facilitate yet another function of The
Saint, which is represented in Cluster 4. This is the personal
reference appeal, or the by now familiar tendency for viewers to
enjoy using fictional materials in the course of a dialogue with
themselves which helps them to underline or to characterise some
facet of their own situation and circumstances.
The Results: A Cluster Analysis of
Viewers’ Endorsements of Statements About Callan
As can be seen from Table IV.3, the
cluster analysis of viewers’ endorsements of 41 statements about
Callan proved less satisfactory than the outcome of the
corresponding Saint analysis. Even after they had been
revised to enhance their homogeneity and reliability, the Callan
clusters embraced more heterogeneous sets of items. And insofar as
these could be related to identifiable appeals, they added nothing
new to the Saint results. Probably the intention to compare
the programmes by requiring respondents to apply statements, drafted
originally to refer to The Saint, to both The Saint
and Callan had itself been ill-conceived. For what it is
worth, however, it may be pointed out, first, that the Callan
analysis has yielded a personal reference cluster (Cluster 6), which
is identical in composition to its counterpart in the Saint
analysis); second, that it has also produced a similar reality
exploration cluster (Cluster 4); third, that the escapist appeal of
adventure programmes which had been expressed in one large cluster
in the Saint analysis has seemingly been dispersed into three
clusters in the case of Callan (Clusters 2, 5 and 8); and
fourth, that insofar as Cluster 1 conveys a recognisable meaning at
all, it seems to represent that identification process which was
less ambiguously reflected in one of the Saint clusters.
Developing a Typology of Audience
It is appropriate at this point to stand
back from the detailed examination of particular results in order to
raise a wider question. Can any general conclusions be drawn from
the entire sequence of the project’s first-stage activities? Two
answers suggest themselves. One is that the project’s original
premise, which maintained that distinct sets of different
gratifications orient important segments of the audience to popular
forms of television programming, has been firmly supported. Of the
validity of this assumption the technique of cluster analysis itself
provided a stern test. It is true that the technique was bound to
produce clusters. What was not determined in advance, however, was
the fact that so many of the emergent clusters should have proved so
coherent and clear in meaning. Only two of the six programme
studies did not disclose a comprehensible gratification structure,
and in each case the most likely source of the failure was a
technical weakness. Thus, the first-stage research has underlined
the place of audience gratifications in the mass communications
system, as well as having generated a battery of techniques for
detecting and measuring them and relating their incidence to other
A second general conclusion concerns the
manner in which the various cluster structures of the individual
programme studies have overlapped and reaffirmed each other. This is
an impressive outcome of the first-stage research, first, because
the results stemmed from four quite different types of programme
content (a domestic serial, an adventure serial, quizzes, and news
materials), and second, because steps had been taken to ensure that
investigator preconceptions about gratification patterns did not
unduly influence the initial source material (which was invariably
culled afresh from group discussions with fans of the programmes
concerned). And of course the discovery of overlapping gratification
structures enhanced the feasibility of the investigators’ original
expectation that a typology of audience gratifications might be
educed from the results of a series of programme studies.
In fact the four successful programme
studies yielded a total of 19 clusters to which substantive labels
could be attached (six from the Dales study, five for news
viewing, and four each for quizzes and The Saint), and when
these were compared with each other, a relatively small number of
recurrent categories promptly emerged. For example, escape clusters
appeared in the Saint, news and quiz analyses. Reality
exploration clusters were found in the Saint and Dales
results. Personal reference clusters were remarkably ubiquitous,
having emerged from the Dales, quiz and Saint studies
(as well as having a ‘near relation’ in the empathic cluster of the
news viewing analysis). A use of programme materials to reinforce
viewers’ value preferences figured in both the Dales study
(in two different clusters) and the quiz analysis. Their use as a
‘coin of exchange’ produced clusters in both the quiz and news
studies. In addition, there were two clusters which, though each
surfaced only once in the project’s four analyses, are probably
strong enough to key groups of viewers to deserve as much attention
as the previously mentioned satisfactions – e.g. the substitute
companion function (found definitely among Dales fans and
possibly in a minor quiz cluster) and the surveillance function (an
important component of the news analysis).
The insistent repetition of this small
number of themes was such a dominant feature of the first-stage
research that the investigators were virtually obliged to use them
as the building blocks of their typology. Once this inference was
accepted, it remained only to consider how the various categories
should be grouped in relation to each other. For this purpose four
sorts of ordering principles were applied. One of these involved an
acceptance of something like Wilbur Schramm’s distinction between
immediate and delayed reward-seeking. It was noticeable, that is,
that while the escapist clusters reflected a disposition to use
television to get away from or forget certain restricting or
unpleasant features of the viewer’s environment, others (especially
the surveillance function) represented a concern to acquire
information about the wider environment. A second set of
considerations affected treatment of the escapist category itself.
It was decided to refer to it, as far as possible, through the
terminology of ‘diversion’ instead of that of ‘escape’, in order to
avoid the possibly misleading pejorative implications of the latter
expression. It was also decided that the orientation of diversion
could be usefully divided into three sub-types, reflecting,
respectively, a wish to get away from a) the constraints of
excessive involvement in routine (as in the Saint escape
cluster’s emphasis on boredom in everyday life), b) the burden of
problems (as in the news and quiz clusters) and c) inhibitions on
self-expression (as suggested by the Dales cluster of
emotional release). A third distinction revolved around the fact
that some clusters primarily refer broadcast materials in some way
to the viewer’s own self (including most of the personal
reference, reality exploration and value reinforcement clusters),
while other clusters were more concerned with his relations with
others (other real-life people, as in the coin of exchange
function). Finally, because of the evident depth of viewer
involvement in programme materials that many of the clusters
evinced, it was decided to characterise the categories of the
investigator’s typology as diverse forms of ‘media-person
From all these considerations, then, the
simple typology that is set out below was evolved. Its categories
manage to cover all the substantive clusters that have emerged from
four programme studies, omitting only two relatively
programme-specific clusters – i.e. the identification appeal of
The Saint and the reality-piercing function of television news.
Typology of Media-Person Interactions
Escape from the
constraints of routine.
Escape from the burden of
2. Personal Relationships
3. Personal Identity
Numbers of close friends, numbers of acquaintances in the
vicinity, household size, size of accessible extended family,
sense of attachment to the community, place of birth, size and
position in family of origin, geographical mobility,
school-leaving age, occupation, intergenerational occupational
mobility, and subjective estimates of strain of work and fatigue
Involvement in certain leisure-time activities (sports and
games, betting, attendance at spectator sports), index of
opportunities to travel outside Leeds, and self-estimated
opinion leadership role.
Horton, D and Wohl, R., ‘Mass Communication as Para-social
Interaction’, Psychiatry, Vol. XIX, 1956, pp. 215-29.
Three respondents claimed never to watch television news, and a
late filter in the interview indicated that seven respondents
had not really seen either The Saint or Callan
sufficiently recently to be given the adventure series
Berelson, Bernard, ‘What “Missing the Newspaper” Means’, in
Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and Stanton, Frank N. (eds),
Communications Research, 1948-1949, Harpers, New York, 1949.
Schramm, Wilbur, ‘The Nature of News’, Journalism Quarterly,
Vol. XXVI, 1949, pp. 259-69.
Stephenson, William, The Play Theory of Mass Communication,
Chicago University Press, Chicago, 1967.
Pietila, Veikko, ‘Immediate versus Delayed Reward in Newspaper
Reading’, Acta Sociologica, Vol. XII, 1969, pp. 199-208.
MeLeod, Jack, Ward, Scott and Tancill, Karen, ‘Alienation and
Uses of the Mass Media’, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.
XXIX, 1965-1966, pp. 583-94.
As in the quiz study, two-item clusters have been ignored in
further calculations and analyses.
As in the case of the news viewing analysis, the results were
revised in the light of calculated coefficients of homogeneity