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Review by Miriam Strube
Earlier this year CBS fired Don Imus from his radio
program, following a week of uproar over his referral to the Rutgers
women’s basketball team as “nappy-headed hos”. Not surprisingly,
this has created yet another wave of complaints about hip hop and
its impact. These complaints are neither new nor restricted to one
racial group. Whites have often expressed their concern with hip hop
culture, most prominently with gangsta rap. Similarly, black icons,
such as the cultural critic Stanley Crouch and jazz musician Wynton
Marsalis, find fault with hip hop. Crouch even goes as far as
casting rappers as “neo-Sambos” and criticizing their mugging,
scowling, “their gold teeth, drop-down pants, and tasteless
jewelry.” (8) T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting’s book Pimps Up, Ho’s
Down: Hip Hop’s Hold on Young Black Women also disapproves of
hip hop culture, but it does so from a very different and more
sophisticated angle, pervasively criticizing postfeminist women
conforming to the stereotypes of female sexuality masquerading as
sexual liberation:
Like hip hop culture’s offering of sexual liberation
and expressivity to young black women, the ‘new niggaz’ draws its
cache not from politics but from the wells patriarchy has left
exclusively to women: sex and beauty. On the surface at least and
perhaps individually, the ends, as the cliché goes, seems to justify
the means – female power seems to be achieved. But sex and beauty as
trade commodities are depreciating assets. (147)
In the prologue and the introduction, Sharpley-Whiting,
the director of the African-American and Diaspora Studies at
Vanderbilt University, reveals herself as a model-turned-professor
coming of age in the midst of hip hop’s evolution in the late 1980s,
and as both a fan and a feminist critic of hip hop culture. Also,
right from the beginning, Sharpley-Whiting points to the complexity
of the topic as well as her own engagement in it as a black woman:
We are all in the business of selling illusions, as
we move from various products – including our own sexuality – but we
often stand accused of selling out. Blamed for participating in the
exploitation of women, these women and their stories, like mine, are
always much more complicated. (xi)
It is this aspect, the complex involvement of black
women in the male-dominated and misogynist hip hop culture, that
Sharpley-Whiting examines. Her willingness to uncover this
complexity and to accept contradictions is the greatest merit of
this book. In her analysis, she argues that beyond black women’s
portrayal in rap lyrics, it is also their display in music videos,
film, television, fashion, and on the Internet that is indispensable
to the mass media engineered appeal of hip hop. Furthermore, the
commercial trafficking in the images and behaviors associated with
hip hop has made them appear entertaining, normal, and acceptable to
the “hip hop generation”. She defines the members of this generation
as having been born after the civil rights, the black power,
and the women’s movements – yet as profoundly having been influenced
by those three movements and she particularly points to “blacks born
between approximately 1965 and 1984” (xv).
The main chapters therefore distinguish different
aspects that strengthen hip hop culture. The first one examines the
impact of hip hop videos on beauty standards – both for ‘everyday’
women and for women working in sex tourism. Chapter Two continues
with the impacts of hip hop by turning to the topic of sexual abuse.
Sharpley-Whiting here argues that “the mainstreaming of hip hop has
broadened the umbrella under which male celebrities, specifically,
can seek and acquire protection from allegations of sexual violence.
Industry movers and shakers, legal eagles, hip hop magazines, blogs,
a multiracial fan base, and sundry artists rise to the occasion with
the result being the minimalization of the crimes.” (54) In chapter
Three, Sharpley-Whiting turns to the rise of groupie culture in the
hip hop world, the impact of hip hop’s compulsory heterosexual
culture on young black women, and the permeation of the hip hop
ethos into young black women’s conceptions of love and romance. Here
she includes many interviews and publications, such as Karrine
Steffano’s Confessions of a Video Vixen. Chapter Four
questions the impacts of hip hop’s increasing alliance with the sex
industry, especially with strip clubs, whose “gender dynamics bleed
over into hip hop’s generationers’ everyday gender politics.” Hip
hop culture, Sharpley-Whiting argues convincingly, is “literally
‘waist deep’ in the strip trade.” (143)
Pimps Up, Ho’s Down
provides a multilayered perspective on hip hop. It is a strength of
this book that it resiliently respects the voices of young black
women often unheard both in hip hop culture and in American culture
at large, it indeed provides a “space for young black women’s voices
to be heard in all of their complex contradictions, dissent, and
complicity.” (21) However, there are also some flaws that are
connected to Sharpley-Whiting’s methodology. Her hesitance to
textualize and theoretically frame these voices leads to a rather
descriptive account of some individual women and their stories (or
anecdotes), which often lead her astray from hip hop and which
furthermore – rather unconvincingly – are made to stand for a whole
group. Secondly, the writing is not always clear. This is
particularly problematic when bringing in conducted studies, which
not only mix personal judgment with statistics but through her
phrasing also allow multiple interpretations, as in this case:
That the impact of these sexually suggestive videos
is undeniably regressive in terms of gender politics and young girls
and women’s self-identity is revealed in a 2003 year-long study
conducted by the Center for AIDS Research (CFAR) at Emory
University. Tracking 522 Alabama girl’s hip hop video consumption
and behaviors, the study revealed that a higher consumption of hip
hop videos corresponded negatively with higher frequency of sexually
transmitted diseases, alcohol and drug abuse (60 percent), and
multiple sex partners (twice as likely). (27)
A third point of criticism is Sharpley-Whiting’s
failure to make clear how exactly hip hop culture differs from other
cultural forms, both older black expressions and white ones. Instead
of showing how black gender politics are different today, she
rather states that there are new gender politics, namely
those “in the service of a jack-legged black masculinity. And this
black masculinity has been cobbled together from the stultifying
remains of white supremacy, media, and the undeserved privileges
accrued globally by American manhood.” (51) Describing herself as a
feminist, she should have developed the ground laid out by black
feminist hip hop scholars Tricia Rose (1994) and Patricia
Hill Collins (2006) and thus elaborate more deeply what hip hop can
and cannot do for young black women.
These criticisms notwithstanding, I want to conclude
by stressing that this is a valuable book for anyone first entering
the discussion of hip hop culture, and it is a particularly
important contribution as it engages with hip hop culture from a
black feminist standpoint. Hopefully, the book will stimulate more
discussion, as its concluding words remain challenging: “hip hop
intersects with gender in ways that have us women renegotiating and
debating the veritable gray areas taken up in Pimps Up, Ho’s Down
involving female pleasure, an affirming sexuality, beauty, and
women’s labor.” (156)
References
Rose,
Tricia, Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary
America. Hanover: University Press of New England 1994.
Hill
Collins, Patricia, From Black Power to Hip Hop: Racism,
Nationalism, and Feminism.
Philadelphia: Temple University Press 2006.
Contact (by e-mail):
Miriam Strube
Biographical note
Miriam Strube is based at the
University of Dortmund, Germany
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